Journal Article Critique The purpose of this assignment is to help students become comfortable reading journal articles and how to critique them. I have pr

Click here to Order a Custom answer to this Question from our writers. It’s fast and plagiarism-free.

The purpose of this assignment is to help students become comfortable reading journal articles and how to critique them. I have provided two videos in this section for students to watch. However, I uploaded other video resources to help reinforce your understanding under Course Content. I ask that you take time to watch them as time permits because a significant part of your grade is writing a literature review. 

  1. Read the attached journal article.
  2. After reading the article write a critique using the processes provided in the video. The critique should not exceed 2 1/2 pages focusing heavily on the literature review.

File Johnson.Examining race.quantitative.pdf

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY | RESEARCH ARTICLE

Examining associations between racism,
internalized shame, and self-esteem among
African Americans
Amber J. Johnson1*

Abstract: Shame, originating from social threats to social bonds, self-esteem and/
or social status, has been associated with poor mental and physical outcomes.
Despite theoretical assumptions indicating shame as a prominent emotional
response to social threats, limited research has examined the association between
internalized shame and racism among African American populations. This explora-
tory study sought to investigate the relationship between racism, self-esteem, and
internalized shame. College students who self-identified as African American or
Black (N = 203) completed the Schedule of Racist Events and Internalized Shame
Scale. Past year and lifetime experiences of racism were positively associated with
internalized shame. Self-esteem and internalized shame demonstrated a significant
negative association. Two hierarchical linear regression models were used to
examine the effect of the frequency of racist events in the past year, over the
lifetime, and self-esteem on internalized shame scores. Both unadjusted models for
past year and lifetime experiences of racism significantly predicted internalized
shame. Adding self-esteem significantly improved the regression models account-
ing for 36% and 63% of the model variance for internalized shame, respectively.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Dr. Amber J. Johnson is an Assistant Professor in
the Department of Health Science at California
State University at Long Beach. She earned both
her PhD and MPH in Community Health
Education received her BA in Psychology. Her
love for epidemiology also motivated her to
pursue a Post-Bac Certificate in Epidemiology.
Dr. Johnson’s research focuses on the social
epidemiology. Her research is guided by the
weathering hypothesis, which posits that stress
associated with racial inequities may cause
health deterioration among African Americans
as early as young adulthood, leading to racial
disparities in health outcomes over the life span.
Dr. Johnson has also had experience working
with community-based participatory research
projects, HIV prevention, CVD prevention educa-
tion on the campus of Historically Black College
and Universities, and community health assess-
ment and outreach. Dr. Johnson enjoys creating
an engaging and interactive learning environ-
ment that encourages students to become
active learners in and out of the classroom.

PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT
This manuscript explores the association between
racism, self-esteem and internalized shame
among a sample of African Americans. Though
the psychological ramifications of racism have
been well documented among African Americans,
there has been limited focus on the association of
racist experiences and shame in this population.
Shame is elicited by threats to social bonds, self-
esteem, and/or social status. Moreover, previous
studies have indicated that shame is associated
with poor mental and physical health outcomes.
African Americans may be vulnerable to shame
experiences as racism threatens self-esteem and
social status. This manuscript findings suggest
that greater reports of racist events were asso-
ciated with greater internalized shame. Thus, the
current findings, exploratory in nature, warrant
further examination of the processes by which
racism may contribute to internalized shame in
African American populations.

Johnson, Cogent Psychology (2020), 7: 1757857
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2020.1757857

© 2020 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons
Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license.

Received: 25 January 2020
Accepted: 07 April 2020

*Corresponding author: Amber
J. Johnson, Health Science, California
State University Long Beach, 1250
Bellflower Blvd FOA-13, Long Beach,
CA 90840, USA
E-mail: amber.johnson@csulb.edu

Reviewing editor:
Juliet Wakefield, Psychology,
Nottingham Trent University,
Nottingham UK

Additional information is available at
the end of the article

Page 1 of 11

Findings from this study warrant greater focus on the role of shame and self-
esteem in understanding the impact of racism among African Americans.

Keywords: racism; shame; self-esteem; African Americans

1. Introduction
Extant literature has evidenced the impact of racism on the quality of life for African Americans
(Goosby et al., 2015; Sims et al., 2012). African Americans experience racism and discrimination on
multiple levels, including interpersonal (discriminatory interactions between individuals), institu-
tional (discrimination in employment, housing, or health care), and cultural (widespread accep-
tance of stereotypes) (Harrell, 2000; Jones, 2000; Krieger, 1999). The psychological ramifications of
racism have been well documented. Carter (2007) suggests such ramifications are a consequence
of psychological injuries or external violations and assaults that ensue when one is subject to
racism related experiences. Racism related psychological injuries have been shown to increase
stress, trauma, anxiety, fear, anger, depression while reducing overall quality of life for African
Americans (Bynum et al., 2007; Carter & Reynolds, 2011; Forsyth & Carter, 2012; Landrine &
Klonoff, 1996; Pittman, 2011; Utsey & Payne, 2000).

Brondolo et al. (2018) have proposed a recent theoretical framework highlighting the social
cognitive processes linking racial discrimination and health outcomes. This framework suggests
that discrimination on all levels (e.g., communication, institutional policies and practices, and inter-
personal practices) impact schemas, threat appraisal, and cognitive processes. Schemas are “mental
structures composed of networks of linked thought, feelings, and attitudes” (Brondolo et al., 2018,
p. 222) that influence individual interpretation and processing of new experiences. Individuals
develop schemas about themselves, their peers, and the world via life and educational experiences.
African Americans living in environments in which they perceive frequent racism may develop
schemas that heighten perceptions of racism. These schemas may accompany the threat appraisal
process, influencing how individuals evaluate circumstances that could be perceived as threats. Thus,
schemas developed in social environments reflecting prevalent racism may influence the threat
appraisal process, potentially amplifying threat perception (Brondolo et al., 2005; Outlaw, 1993).

1.1. Shame and threats to the social bond
The role of shame in the social cognitive processes accompanying racial discrimination has not been
investigated. Shame, thought of as an innate social emotion, relies on the biological need for humans
to be social (Lewis, 1971). The concept of shame has been conceptualized and examined by several
theorists (Kaufman, 1974; Lewis, 1971; Scheff, 2003; Tangney, Wagner, Gramzow et al., 1992). Drawing
from prior shame research, Scheff (2003) defined shame as a response to perceived threats to the
social bond. Moreover, shame is theorized to serve three functions. First, shame is a key element of
morality signaling of wrongdoing without words or thoughts. Shame, as a healthy function, promotes
the development of the moral conscience which serves to monitor and adjust behavior (Wiechelt,
2007). This form of healthy shame functions as a fleeting and temporary source of distress designed to
adapt behaviors that may disrupt the social bond (Potter-Efron & Efron, 1993). As shame also
promotes awareness of mistreatment and indignities directed toward individuals, shame becomes
unhealthy when these experiences are persistent and chronic (Wiechelt, 2007).

Second, shame is elicited when social bonds are threatened. Kemeny et al. (2004) suggest
shame is the emotional response to circumstances that threaten one’s self-esteem, social status
and/or acceptance. These threats occur in a variety of circumstances ranging from a performance
before an evaluative audience to situations in which individuals are deemed unworthy of member-
ship (e.g., clubs, teams, fraternal organizations) (Dickerson, Kemeny et al., 2004). The negative
impact of such threats to the social bond is often heightened when these experiences of shame
are perceived as uncontrollable or associated with an unwanted identity (Dickerson, Gruenewald
et al., 2004; Gruenewald et al., 2004).

Johnson, Cogent Psychology (2020), 7: 1757857
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2020.1757857

Page 2 of 11

Third, it is posited that shame regulates both expression and awareness of all other emotions. This
position is grounded in Lewis’s (1971) systematic analysis of the prevalence of emotions within
psychotherapy sessions. Lewis’s analysis of psychotherapy transcripts discovered shame cues were
more prevalent than other emotional cues such as anger, anxiety, and fear. Though these shame
cues were identified, they were less likely to be perceived as shame by patients. Moreover, other
emotions such as fear or anger were often preceded by shame, a phenomenon that has been
observed by other researchers (Ferguson & Eyre, 2000; Hejdenberg & Andrews, 2011). Taken together,
these theoretical and empirical research findings suggest that shame, elicited by social bond threats,
may mitigate feelings of wrongdoing and other emotional responses to such threats.

Shame has also been associated with poor physical and mental health outcomes. For example,
experiences of shame have demonstrated physiological consequences via increased pro-
inflammatory activity and cortisol responses (Dickerson et al., 2004; Gruenewald et al., 2004).
Shame has also been shown to increase the risk of depression, addiction, suicide, and anxiety
(Arditte et al., 2016; Bilevicius et al., 2018; Candea & Szentagotai-Tăta, 2018). Moreover, shame
indirectly influences mental health outcomes as greater shame has been associated with reduced
perceived social support, difficulty establishing relationships, and loneliness (Chow & Cheng, 2010;
Mereish & Poteat, 2015). Thus, examining shame and racism can provide additional context for
framing the social cognitive processes in which racial discrimination contributes to poor health
outcomes among African Americans.

1.2. Racism and shame
Perceptions of racism threaten the social bond within African Americans communities and other
racial/ethnic groups. African Americans have often been ascribed stigmatized identities, informed
by racism, which promotes racial and gender expectations for African Americans. These negative
racial and gender expectations provide the foundation and reinforcement of negative African
American stereotypes, prompting social rejection and unacceptance (Brown, 2006; Fleming et al.,
2012; Nuru-Jeter et al., 2009). As a result, African Americans may experience recurrent shame as
negative stereotypes and expectations are embedded in societal beliefs and disseminated via
interpersonal interactions, mass media and institutional policies (Harris-Perry, 2011).

Moreover, Watts-Jones (2002) refers to shame as an endless cycle of psychological injury for
African Americans. She writes, “The shame associated with our African-ness, as a result of slavery
and racism, and the shame of being shamed” (p. 593). Experiences of racism, infused within the
constructs of American society, become components of African American identity. Examples of
such permeations include “the talk” African American parents are compelled to give to prepare
their sons for encounters with police, African American women’s struggle to restrain their emo-
tions for fear of being portrayed as the “Angry Black Woman” and challenges associated with
depictions of African American hair as less attractive and unprofessional (Brunson & Weitzer, 2011;
Ellis-Hervey et al., 2016; Jones & Norwood, 2017). Shame is internalized when shame experiences
become part of individual identity (Cook, 1988). Thus, racism can provoke shame responses that
are dominant, internalized, and pervasive for African Americans.

1.3. Racism, self esteem, and shame
Self-esteem serves as an individual’s appraisal of their self-worth and is grounded in interpersonal
experiences (Ford & Collins, 2010). Prior research suggests self-esteem among African Americans
may be greater than or equal to other racial/ethnic groups (Twenge & Crocker, 2002). However,
some studies propose that perceived racism reduces self-esteem in this population (Seaton et al.,
2008; Szymanski & Gupta, 2009) though this relationship has often been mitigated by factors such
as racial/ethnic pride and racial socialization (Pieterse et al., 2012).

Self-esteem may also influence individuals’ interaction within their social environments influen-
cing perceived threat appraisal (Chao et al., 2014). Moreover, previous studies have shown that low
self-esteem is associated with experiences of shame (Greene & Britton, 2013; Reilly et al., 2014).

Johnson, Cogent Psychology (2020), 7: 1757857
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2020.1757857

Page 3 of 11

For example, Gruenewald et al. (2004) found that the threats to the social self decreased self-
esteem and elicited shame experiences. Moreover, the psychological mechanisms employed in
shame coping (e.g., withdrawal, avoidance) have been negatively associated with self-esteem
(Ellison & Partridge, 2012). Thus, self-esteem may play an important role among African
Americans who experience shame resulting from racism events.

1.4. Present study
To date, there is an absence of empirical studies that investigate the relationship between
experiences of racism and shame in African American populations. Therefore this exploratory
study posits that racism creates a social environment that heightens awareness of perceived
threats to the social bond and reduces overall self-esteem. Thus, this study sought to test the
following hypotheses: 1) frequent experiences of racism will be positively correlated with inter-
nalized shame; 2) frequent experiences of racism and internalized shame will be negatively
associated with self-esteem; and 3) frequent racist experiences and low self-esteem will predict
greater internalized shame in a sample of African Americans.

2. Methods

2.1. Participants and procedures
Undergraduates who identified as African American or Black were recruited from a minority
serving institution in Southern California. After approval by the Institutional Review Board for
ethical research, a list of undergraduate degree-seeking students who identified as African
American and/or Black and at least 18 years old was provided to the researcher by the institution.
At the time of the study, 1,223 students self-identified as African American or Black. A random
sample of 300 students was generated from the student list. The random sample number was
based upon the total funding allocated for an anticipated target sample size of 250 participants.
Potential participants were emailed a link to an online informed consent form and Qualtrics survey.
Students were given 10 USD electronic gift cards once the online survey was completed. A total of
203 undergraduate students completed all responses to the survey. Participant demographic
variables consisted of gender (e.g., male, female, transgender), ethnicity (e.g., African American,
African, Afro-Latino), and undergraduate classification (e.g., freshman, sophomore). Similar to
other studies among college students (Platt & Freyd, 2012), participants were not asked age or
date of birth as this may reduce confidentiality by differentiating nontraditional students by their
age. However institutional data suggest that the average age of African American undergraduate
degree-seeking students was 20 years old during the study.

The majority of participants self-identified as African American or Black (86.7%). Participants
also identified as African (6.9%), Afro-Latino (4.9%), Biracial (18.2%) and Other (3.9%).
Approximately 74% of the study population self-identified a female compared to 23% males, 1%
transgender and.5% other. Undergraduate classification was equally distributed across partici-
pants. 1st year undergraduates accounted for 17.5%, 2nd year undergraduates, 20%, 3rd year
undergraduates, 26.3%, 4th year undergraduates 20%, 5th year undergraduates, 11.9%, and non-
degree seekers, 4.1% (Table 1).

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Schedule of Racist Events (SRE)
The SRE is an 18-item self-report inventory that assesses the frequency of racist discrimination in
the past year and one’s entire life (Landrine & Klonoff, 1996). Examples of questions asked on this
instrument include “How many times have you been treated unfairly by teachers and professors
because of race or ethnic group?” and “How many times have you been treated unfairly by
strangers because of your race or ethnic group?” Participants reported frequency of racist events
using a 6 point rating scale from 1 (this has never happened to you) to 6 (this has happened
almost all of the time). Mean scores across items measuring the frequency of racist discrimination

Johnson, Cogent Psychology (2020), 7: 1757857
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2020.1757857

Page 4 of 11

in the past year and one’s entire life were examined in this study. The SRE has demonstrated
reliability in African American populations on the recent racist events (α = .95) and lifetime racist
events (α = .95) (Landrine & Klonoff, 1996).

2.2.2. Internalized Shame Scale (ISS)
The ISS is a 30 item self-report questionnaire that consists of two basic scales for shame and self-
esteem. Twenty four shame related questions evaluate the extent shame becomes magnified and
internalized (Cook, 1988). These questions reflect feelings such as inferiority, worthlessness, and
inadequacy to isolate an individual’s specific feelings of shame involved in a presenting problem.
Examples of questions used on the ISS include “I feel like I am never quite good enough” and “I feel
somehow left out”. Participants reported their level of agreement on a 5 point rating scale (1 = Never
to 5 = Almost Always). Internalized shame scores of 50 or higher indicate frequent experiences of
shame. Though the use of the ISS has been limited in studies among African American populations, it
has shown evidence of internal consistency among college students with reliability coefficients of .95
for internalized shame (Cook, 1991).

2.2.3. Self-esteem
Six questions on the ISS’s self-esteem subscale were used to measure self-esteem in this study
(1 = Never to 5 = Almost Always). Scores of 18 or higher on the self-esteem scale are indicative of
higher self-esteem. Examples of self-esteem questions included, “All in all, I am inclined to feel
that I am a success” and “I take a positive attitude toward myself. Previous studies have demon-
strated reliability coefficients of .90 for self-esteem (Cook, 1991).

2.3. Analytic strategy
All descriptive and subsequent analysis for this study was conducted using IBM SPSS v. 24. Pearson
correlations were used to examine the association between the variables of interest in this study.
Subsequently, hierarchal linear regression analysis was employed to test the impact of frequency
of racist experiences and self-esteem on internalized shame in this sample. Preliminary analysis
revealed that none of the demographic variables (ethnicity, gender, school classification) were
associated with the main variables of interest. Therefore, these variables were not included as

Table 1. Demographic Variables

Racial/Ethnicity n %

Black or African American 176 86.70

African 14 6.90

Afro-Latino 10 4.93

Multiracial 37 18.23

Other 8 3.94

Gender

Male 48 23.65

Female 152 74.88

Transgender 2 0.99

Other 1 0.49

College Classification

1st year 34 16.75

2nd year 37 18.23

3rd year 56 27.59

4th year 36 17.73

5th year 32 15.76

Other 8 3.94

Johnson, Cogent Psychology (2020), 7: 1757857
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2020.1757857

Page 5 of 11

covariates in the regression models. Moreover, several variables violated statistical assumptions
for linear regression (e.g., normality). Therefore, the regression models were produced using non-
parametric, bias-corrected bootstrapping using 5,000 resamples to increase power and data
interpretability (Wright & Herrington, 2011).

The variables for the frequency of past year and lifetime racist events were highly correlated.
Therefore, two hierarchal regression models were developed to examine past year and lifetime
racist events separately. In the first step, the unadjusted frequency of racist events was examined.
Self-esteem was added in the second step to determine the shared contribution of racism and self-
esteem to internalized shame scores.

3. Results
The mean scores for Past Year (M = 2.26, SD = .88) and Entire life Racist Events (M = 2.76, SD = .96) suggest
that this sample experienced moderate levels of racism in the past year and over the lifetime. The sample
also reported moderate levels of internalized shame (M = 37.13, SD = 22.02). Collectively, this sample
reportedly somewhat low self-esteem (M = 13.27, SD = 3.91). Supporting Hypothesis 1, the correlation
coefficients indicate that the frequency of past year (r = .18, p = .012) and lifetime (r = .27, p < .001) racist
events positively correlated with the internalized shame. Though self-esteem was negatively associated
with internalized shame (r = −.57, p < .001), self-esteem was not significantly associated with past year
(r = .02, p = .76) or lifetime racist events (r = .01, p = .86) partially supporting Hypothesis 2 (Table 2).

The study findings did yield support for Hypothesis 3 (See Table 3). The frequency of past year
racist events significantly predicted internalized shame (B = 4.41, p = .004). Introducing self-
esteem significantly improved the model (ΔR2 = .33, p < .001) as past year racist events and self-
esteem explained 36.1% of the model variance The frequency of lifetime racist events also
predicted internalized shame (B = 6.23, p < .001) The inclusion of self-esteem also significantly
improved this model (ΔR2 = .36, p < .001) collectively explaining 63% of the model variance. Given
the contribution of self-esteem to the hierarchal regression models, post hoc analyses examined
the indirect effect of self-esteem on the relationship between the frequency of racist events and
internalized shame. These analyses did not reveal a significant indirect effect of self-esteem.

4. Discussion
This study sought to examine the relationship between racism and internalized shame among
a sample of African Americans. The frequency of racist experiences predicted higher internalized
shame scores supporting the first hypothesis that frequent experiences of racism will be positively
associated with internalized shame. However, the correlation between the frequency of racist events
and internalized shame was not strong. Theoretically, this is surprising as one may assume that
frequent racist events may prompt greater experiences of shame. However, there may be several
reasons for these findings. First, experiences of racism may promote both external shame and
internal shame. Racism as an elicitor of shame highlights shame experiences that originate outside
of the individual (i.e., external shame). External shame has been shown to promote psychological
distress that stems from unmet needs for communal and favorable social spaces (Kim et al., 2011;
Lewis, 1971). Thus, measuring internalized shame alone may not capture the complete impact of
racism on shame experiences among African Americans. Second, the internalized shame scale may
not fully encompass the extent to which African Americans experience internalized shame regarding
race and racism. For example, the ISS does not assess shame responses to experiences of racism,
hairstyle and/or texture, or negative images of African Americans. To date, no such measurement
exists potentially warranting the development of a culturally appropriate instrument to better assess
this relationship. Third, other variables such as racial identity and racial pride, not assessed in this
study, could buffer the negative impact of racism on internalized shame.

Self-esteem was negatively associated with internalized shame as predicted by the second study
hypothesis. This is consistent with studies highlighting the relationship between negative self-
esteem and shame (Gruenewald et al., 2004; Velotti et al., 2017). However, it was surprising to find

Johnson, Cogent Psychology (2020), 7: 1757857
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2020.1757857

Page 6 of 11

Ta
b
le

2
.
M
ea

n
s,

St
a
n
d
a
rd

D
ev

ia
ti
o
n
s,

C
o
rr
el
a
ti
o
n
s
&

R
el
ia
b
il
it
y
o
f
th
e
St
u
d
y
V
a
ri
a
b
le
s

M
ea

su
re

N
In

te
rn
a
li
ze

d

Sh
a
m
e

P
a
st

Y
ea

r
R
a
ci
st

E
ve

n
ts

Li
fe
ti
m
e
R
a
ci
st

E
ve

n
ts

M
SD

R
a
n
g
e

α

In
te
rn
a
liz
e
d
Sh

a
m
e

2
0
3

3
3
.1
7

1
9
.7
4

2

8
4

0
.9
6

Pa
st

Ye
a
r
R
a
ci
st

Ev
e
n
ts

2
0
3

.1
8
*

2
.2
0

0
.7
8

1

5
.4
5

0
.8
5

Li
fe
ti
m
e
R
a
ci
st

Ev
e
n
ts

2
0
3

.2
7
**

.8
6
**

2
.7
1

0
.8
8

1

5
.4
5

0
.8
8

Se
lf
Es
te
e
m

2
0
3


.5
7
**

0
.0
2

0
.0
1

1
3
.2
7

3
.9
1

2

2
0

0
.7
9

*
C
o
rr
e
la
ti
o
n
is

si
g
n
if
ic
a
n
t
a
t
th
e
0
.0
5
le
ve

l

**
C
o
rr
e
la
ti
o
n
is

si
g
n
if
ic
a
n
t
a
t
th
e
0
.0
1
le
ve

l

Johnson, Cogent Psychology (2020), 7: 1757857
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2020.1757857

Page 7 of 11

no association between racism and self-esteem. Previous research on this relationship has been
mixed suggesting racism does not consistently contribute to lower self-esteem, as suggested by
the study findings (Crocker & Quinn, 1998; Murrell, 1996). Moreover, this sample reported some-
what low levels of self-esteem.

Lower self-esteem coupled with frequent experiences of racist events in the past year and over
the lifetime significantly contributed to internalized shame scores in this sample which supported
the third study hypothesis. More specifically, frequent experiences of racism over the lifetime and
lower self-esteem contributed to over sixty percent of the variance predicting greater internalized
shame, though self-esteem accounted for the majority of this variation. As previously noted, it is
believed that racism would have a greater impact on shame if this study assessed aspects of
external shame and incorporated a culturally tailored shame measurement that accounted for
African American experiences of racism. However, other correlates of self-esteem (e.g., interna-
lized racism and mood) should be examined in future studies due to the significant impact of self-
esteem to internalized shame in this sample.

The study findings should be carefully considered in light of several limitations. First, the study
population was sampled from a minority serving institution where African Americans were racial and
numerical minorities. The experiences of African Americans may differ from those who never attended
college, attend predominately White institutions and/or Historically Black College and Universities. This
hinders the generalizability of this study to African Americans and other racial/ethnic groups outside of
this context. This study also employed a cross-sectional research design using self-reported data. Not
only is it difficult to ascertain the impact of recurring racist events on internalized shame over time, but
the self-report data may also be limited by variations in individuals’ honesty, racial identity/pride,
stress, and mood. We also cannot discount the possible influence of age on the relationship between
racist events and internalized shame. However, it should be noted that previous studies have demon-
strated no relationship between SRE scores and age (Klonoff et al., 1999; Landrine & Klonoff, 1996;
Perry et al., 2013). To that end, future studies should consider age in a broader sample of African
Americans to assess the impact of racist events, particularly over the lifetime.

5. Conclusion
Despite the study limitations, this study is one of the first to empirically investigate the associa-
tions between racism, self-esteem and internalized shame. This study observed a significant

Table 3. Hierarchal Regression Models Examining Frequency of Past Year, Lifetime Racist
Events, and Self-Esteem on Internalized Shame

95% BCa CI

B S.E. p-value Lower Upper R2 ΔR2

Step 1

Past Year Racist
Events

4.41 1.76 0.01 .95 8.07 0.03

Step 2

Past Year Racist
Events

4.70 1.454 < 0.001 1.18 7.56

Self-Esteem −2.90 0.40 < 0.001 −3.45 −2.34 0.36 0.33*

Step 1

Lifetime Racist Events 5.99 1.523 < 0.001 3.068 8.91 0.27

Step 2

Lifetime Racist Events 6.15 1.263 < 0.001 3.624 8.52

Self-Esteem −2.89 0.299 < 0.001 −3.460 −2.29 0.63 0.36*

*p < 0.05

Johnson, Cogent Psychology (2020), 7: 1757857
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2020.1757857

Page 8 of 11

correlation between racist events and internalized shame suggesting further examination of
shame in the social cognitive process that link racism to health outcomes. Though this study did
not find a strong correlation between racism and internalized shame, future studies are encour-
aged to examine the impact of racism on externalized and culturally specific shame experiences
for African Americans. Moreover, shame theorists have …

Place your order now for a similar assignment and have exceptional work written by one of our experts, guaranteeing you an A result.

Need an Essay Written?

This sample is available to anyone. If you want a unique paper order it from one of our professional writers.

Get help with your academic paper right away

Quality & Timely Delivery

Free Editing & Plagiarism Check

Security, Privacy & Confidentiality